Das Buch ist den vier ältesten illustrierten und mit Kommentarkatenen versehenen Hss. des Buches Hiob gewidmet, die zwischen dem 9. und dem 11. Jh. entstanden sind: Patmos, Johanneskloster, Cod. 171 (nachfolgend Patm.); Rom, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. gr. 749 (Vat.); Sinai, Katharinenkloster, Cod. 3 (Sin.); Venedig, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Cod. gr. 538 (Ven.). Insgesamt sind 15 illustrierte griechische Katenenhss. allein des Buches Hiob erhalten (siehe die Übersicht p. 9–11). Das in ihnen enthaltene Bildmaterial zu Hiob (...) wird ergänzt durch Illustrationen in weiteren Mss. unterschiedlichen Textinhalts (p. 11–14). Während seitens der Textkritik fundamentale Arbeit zur wissenschaftlichen Erschließung des griechischen Hiob-Textes und seiner Kommentare geleistet wurde, stellt das Buch von Bernabò (B.) die erste nennenswerte Publikation mit primär kunstwissenschaftlicher Ausrichtung dar. Rund 2000 (p. VII), überwiegend noch unpublizierte, byzantinische Miniaturen zum Buch Hiob sind überkommen, was erahnen läßt, welcher Schatz auf diesem Gebiet zukünftig noch zu heben ist. Ursprünglich war eine komplette Publikation der bebilderten Hiob-Mss. im Rahmen des Corpus of the Illustrations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint der Universität Princeton geplant – ein Projekt, das vor allem wegen seines erheblichen Umfangs nicht hat realisiert werden können. Kurt Weitzmann hatte bis zu seinem Tod im Jahre 1993 Bildmaterial in großem Umfang zusammengetragen. Dieses konnte B. nicht nur für sein Buch verwenden, sondern löste mit selbigem gleichzeitig das seinem Lehrer noch zu Lebzeiten gegebene Versprechen ein, das gemeinsam begonnene Projekt nach dessen Tod fortzuführen (p. X–XI). Im Aufbau, wenngleich nicht in Seitenumfang und Buchformat, richtet sich die vorliegende Publikation nach den bereits er-schienenen Bänden des Princetoner Corpus. (shrink)

The manuscript Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Class XI n. 12, Zanetti Latini 301 (= 1576), contains on fols. 1r–24v a seemingly unique copy of a series of fifteen logical questions, ten on obligationes and the remaining five on insolubilia.1 The series on obligationes is untitled and unattributed in the manuscript, but the questions on insolubilia begin (fol. 18r11) “Incipiunt quaestiones super insolubilibus,” and are attributed at the end to a certain John of Wesel (fol. 24v41): “Ergo expletae (...) sunt quaestiones insolubilium a Johanne de Vesalia Parixius2 disputatae. Deo gratias. Amen.”. (shrink)

This article examines the dedicatory epigram of the earliest and most important witness to the Greek alchemical corpus, the tenth-century manuscript donated by Cardinal Bessarion to the Republic of Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana MS gr. 299, as a window onto the cultural coordinates of the manuscript’s middle Byzantine readers. Scrutiny of the epigram’s meter, language, literary conventions, and the handwriting of the scribe who copied it into the manuscript point to a tenth-century date not only for the (...) manuscript but also for the epigram itself and make it possible to situate the epigram, and with it the alchemical manuscript that contains it, within the mainstream of middle Byzantine elite culture. (shrink)

Continuing the tradition of Oxford Calculatorial physics, the late fourteenth-century British Carmelite Richard Lavenham authored an amplification of the popular short textbook commonly referred to as Termini naturales. A copy of this amplification, preserved in a late fourteenth-century manuscript (Venezia, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, ms Lat. Z. 300 [= 1872]), is followed by a short series of notes and comments on some of the principles introduced in Lavenham’s treatise (drawn from the first four books of Aristotle’s Physics). The (...) present article offers an edition of the text, and analyses its content and relationship with fourteenth-century physics, especially with the physical doctrines of Richard Lavenham. (shrink)

Modern knowledge of the grammarian Consentius’ De barbarismis et metaplasmis, a work valuable for the study of the Latin language, dates back to a relatively recent past: it was only in 1817 that its editio princeps was published by Ph.C. Buttmann, just a few years after the legal scholar A.W. Cramer came across a mention of the then unknown treatise in a ninth-century MS in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek of Munich, numbered Clm 14666. Based on this solitary manuscript, H. Keil published (...) the short treatise in the fifth volume of his Grammatici Latini. With no little enthusiasm did W.M. Lindsay announce his unearthing of what, in his own words, had ‘long been a “desideratum”, a second authority’ for this text, in the MS F 15 III d at the Universitätsbibliothek Basel; this was followed by E.O. Winstedt's complete collation and M. Niedermann's critical edition. After about a century now there comes to light a third authority, surprisingly enough in a codex which has enjoyed such fame in the past decades that one might wonder how Consentius could have gone unnoticed in it for so long: this is the eleventh-century MS of Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana Lat. Z. 497, in which the De barbarismis et metaplasmis is contained on fols. 84vb 39 - 90va 39; moreover, a so-far-unnoticed quotation from it, together with one from Consentius’ De nomine et uerbo, is found on fol. 41vb 16–21 of the same manuscript in a famous grammatical florilegium. The codex, written in Romanesque minuscule and probably originating in Rome, is regarded as a handbook of liberal arts designed by Lawrence Archbishop of Amalfi, formerly a monk at Montecassino, thereafter a teacher in Florence and Rome, where he died in about 1049. Based on palaeographical evidence, F.L. Newton rightfully assumed as an exemplar for this codex a MS in Beneventan script, as some features can be detected that betray the scribal imitation of that typical South Italian script, namely the use of the distinctive abbreviation for eius as ‘ei in ligature with stroke through the descender of the i’, the Beneventan ti ligature for the assibilated sound, and the 2-shaped Beneventan interrogation sign, to which I would add the typical abbreviation for in as a long i cut by a horizontal stroke and the confusion of a and t. Interestingly enough, none of these features is found on fols. 66–95, those containing the new Consentius: from a codicological point of view, this is an autonomous section, written by a different scribe from the rest of the MS and preserving some grammatical texts generally attributed to insular authors, such as Smaragdus’ Liber in partibus Donati and part of the compilation entitled Pauca de barbarismo, which precedes the De barbarismis et metaplasmis; not surprisingly, the new text of Consentius displays numerous features of the Insular script, such as the symbols for enim, autem, eius, est, nihil and et. On this basis it is most likely that this whole section was never included in the Beneventan exemplar, but was added at the time and place of copying of our MS in order to enrich the grammatical content. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:At St. Isidore’s Franciscan College in Rome, the following maxim attributed to St. Patrick is inscribed above the door-way of the church: Si quae difficiles quaestiones in hac insula oriantur ad Sedem Apostolicam referantur; ut Christiani ita et Romani sitis.1 The college was founded in 1625 by Luke Wadding, O.F.M. and, under his direction, became a major seat of theological learning and political influence for the Irish in Rome.2 (...) In the nineteenth century, the Friars Minor of the Province of Ireland assigned many documents from St. Isidore’s for use in their Irish friaries. In 1872, amid the unrest caused by the Risorgimento, medieval and early-modern Irish Franciscan manuscripts were transferred to Dublin.3 At the Merchants’ Quay Convent, the librarians T.A. O’Reilly, O.F.M. and E.B. Fitzmaurice, O.F.M. divided the manuscripts into sections with alphabetically ordered shelf-marks.4 This practical approach followed the long-established system used at Italian libraries and archives in Franciscan custody.5 From 1947 until 2000, the manuscripts of the Irish Friars Minor were kept at the Franciscans’ Dún Mhuire House of Studies in Killiney, County Dublin, before their transfer to the Archives, University College Dublin.The ‘D’ collection is preserved in twenty-six sets of volumes, folders and boxed papers. The greater part consists of Luke Wadding’s correspondence, relating to his activities as theologian, historian, Irish agent in Rome and consultor to several congregations and commissions at the papal secretariat.6 In the 1920s, Paul Grosjean, S.J. included four manuscripts then housed at Merchants’ Quay in a catalogue of hagiographical works.7 Clement Schmitt, O.F.M. treated of a collection of the Franciscan documents kept in Dublin in 1964.8Letters to and from Luke Wadding are also preserved at the Vatican Library; the Archivo Generale at the General Curia of Friars Minor, Rome; the Biblioteca Landiana, Piacenza; the Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples; the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan; the Archives of the Bollandists, Brussels; the Archives Générales de Royaume, Brussels; the Von Harrach Archive, Vienna; and the Franciscan friary of St. Jerome in Vienna.9Compared to some six hundred that Luke Wadding received, “the text of approximately one hundred of his letters, in whole or in part, has survived.”10 Nearly all Wadding’s extant correspondence dates from the three decades after the publication of his Acta legationis on the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception in 1624. Most of his letters were sent from St. Isidore, some from the friaries of Aracoeli and San Pietro in Montorio, Rome, and a few from Naples.11Luke Wadding was born in Waterford on October 16, 1588, the eleventh of fourteen children.12 He was baptized two days later on the Feast of St. Luke. His father Walter was a well-established Waterford merchant and his mother Anastasia a kinswoman of the prominent Lombard family of Waterford. After the death of his parents, Luke left Ireland with his elder brother, Matthew, who enrolled him at the Irish Jesuits’ College in Lisbon. At seventeen years of age, Wadding made his way to Matozinhos in northern Portugal, near Oporto, where he entered the Franciscan Order. On completion of his novitiate, Wadding’s superiors sent him to the University of Coimbra and from there, to Salamanca. At Easter 1613, Luke Wadding was ordained to the priesthood after his studies. He was then appointed as a professor of theology at the Franciscan College of León and later at his own alma mater, Salamanca.13Called to the Spanish capital, Luke Wadding stayed at the Convent of Jesus and Mary in the south-east of Madrid where “lived not only the heads of the Franciscan Order in Spain but also the principal preachers.”14 Such was the distinction Wadding achieved that he was chosen by Philip III for the office of theologian in the embassy sent to defend the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception in Rome.15 He lived there for almost forty years, in which time he founded St. Isidore Franciscan College, the.. (shrink)

Murray's edition ofMedea(1902) made use of five manuscripts: BAVLP. Page (1938) added a sixth, the Jerusalem palimpsest, H. ButMedeais preserved in six more manuscripts (I do not count apographs), which Murray and Page cite rarely or never. I investigate here the value and affiliations of these six and of a fragmentary seventh (F), which they do cite. The seven manuscripts are:O (Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, 31. 10), late twelfth century2C (Vatican, Vaticano greco 910), fourteenth century; lacks 880–4, 1050 to the end3D (...) (Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, 31. 15), fourteenth century4E (Athos, Μον⋯ 'Ιβ⋯ρων 209, formerly 161), early fourteenth century; lacks 731–825, 1029–1133, 1339 to the end5F (Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, gr. 468), c. 1300? Only thehypothesisand lines 1–426. (shrink)

The Tahāfut al-tahāfut is Averroes' response to the Tahāfut al-falāsifa written by Abū Hāmid al-Ghazālī. The work in its Latin translation from the Arabic was entitled Destructio destructionum, and an incomplete edition of this translation was published by Agostino Nifo in 1497.The MS. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, VIII E 31, unknown until now to scholars, belonged to Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. It is a manuscript of the Destructio destructionum, translated into Latin in 1328 by Calonymos ben Calonymos ben Meir (...) of Arles for Robert of Anjou, and extensively annotated by Pico. The manuscript differs from Nifos' edition in that it also includes the second part of the Destructio destructionum with the until-now unpublished disputations on the natural sciences. (shrink)

This paper comprises two parts. The first part is an introduction to Auriol’s moderate conceptualism, as it is presented in his Commentary on Book II of the Sentences, distinction 9, question 2, article 1. The second part is an edition of the text. In the introduction, I focus on Auriol’s use of the noetic tool of connotation. My thesis, in particular, is that connotation is a necessary prerequisite to his moderate conceptu- alism. To this purpose, the first part of this (...) introduction will be devoted to a brief presentation of Auriol’s conceptualism. In the second part, Auriol’s theory of essential predication will be presented. In the third part, I will present my claim that Auriol’s theory of essential predication can only be made sense of when read against the background of his theory of connotation as applied to intellectual cognition. Finally, I will offer a collation of Auriol’s Commentary on Book II of the Sentences, dis- tinction 9, question 2, article 1, obtained by collating eight manuscripts, which hand down Auriol’s text, that is, Firenze, Biblioteca nazionale centrale, ms. Conv. Soppr. B.6.121, Firenze, ms. Conv. Soppr. A. 3.120, Napoli, Biblioteca nazionale, ms. VII.C.3, Padova, Biblioteca Antoniana, ms. 161, scaff. ix, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms. latin 15867; Pelplin, Biblioteka Seminarium duchownego, ms. 46/85, Vaticano (Città del), Biblioteca Apostolica, ms. Borgiano 404, Vaticano (Città del), Biblioteca Apostolica, ms. Vat. lat. 942. (shrink)

The mathematical scenario in Italy during the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance is mainly dominated by the treatises on the abacus, which developed together with the abacus schools. In that context, between approximately the last thirty years of the fourteenth century and the first twenty years of the sixteenth century, the manuscript and printed tradition tell us of queries and challenges, barely known or totally unknown, in which the protagonists were abacus masters. We report in this work on the (...) most significant examples and draw out interesting cues for thoughts and remarks of a scientific, historical and biographical nature. Five treatises, written in the fifteenth and sixteenth century, have been the main source of inspiration for this article: the Trattato di praticha d’arismetricha and the Tractato di praticha di geometria included in the codices Palat. 573 and Palat. 577 (c. 1460) kept in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Florence and written by an anonymous Florentine disciple of the abacist Domenico di Agostino Vaiaio; another Trattato di praticha d’arismetrica written by Benedetto di Antonio da Firenze in 1463 and included in the codex L.IV.21 kept in the Biblioteca Comunale of Siena; the Tractatus mathematicus ad discipulos perusinos written by Luca Pacioli between 1477 and 1480, manuscript Vat. Lat. 3129 of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; and Francesco Galigai’s Summa de arithmetica, published in Florence in 1521. (shrink)

This article studies question 1 of the Quaestiones disputatae found in the manuscript Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr., D. 6. 359. I argue that Peter de Trabibus is the author of this interesting text. In addition, I show that the question exemplifies an exceptional view about the creation and the Trinity in late 13th-century discussions.

In this article, we present a colophon epigram found in the manuscript Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale, gr. II C 33. We edit the text, provide a translation and commentary and supply it with a thorough metrical analysis. Throughout the article, we investigate whether the scribe meant this colophon to be one text or three separate texts. By doing so, we will touch upon broader issues, such as Byzantine metrics in general and the Byzantine habit of compiling texts from an (...) antiquarian perspective. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:During my stint as a visiting scholar at St. Bonaventure University, I stumbled on two very interesting manuscripts that are not as well known as they deserve to be. I would like to make these two 'pebbles' more accessible to other scholars and to anyone who desires to approach this valuable material, which is preserved in the Friedsam Memorial Library.The First Manuscript: A "Handbook" for the Observant FriarsAt St. (...) Bonaventure University, I was working on the sources concerning John of Capistrano's polemics against the Jews and the Turks. To this purpose, I scanned the Ottokar Bonmann Archive at St. Bonaventure for letters, sermons, and treatises. At the same time I was working on the critical edition of Capistrano's La dichiarazione in volgare sulla Regola di san Francesco, which amounts to a vernacular explanation and interpretation of the Rule of St. Francis. It is one of the first vernacular texts of its kind, providing, in a few simple words, an explanation of the meaning of Franciscan spirituality. As its author is one of the "four columns" of the Observant family, it can, in fact, be understood as a vademecum for the Observants. My first impressions in this direction were confirmed and reinforced by looking at the manuscript Holy Name College, cod. 35, which is now preserved in the Friedsam Memorial Library of St. Bonaventure University .Chiappini lists three manuscripts containing La dichiarazione:1. L'Aquila, Archivio di Stato, cod. S.73, ff. 461b - 469b 2. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, cod. XII.G.5 n. 23. Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, cod. B.131, ff. 53r-66vBonmann found six other manuscripts:1. Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana , Vat. lat. 13100, ff. 80r-94v2. Rome, Biblioteca S. Isidoro 1/68, ff. 244r-254v3. Rome, Biblioteca S. Isidoro 1/85, ff. 10r-24r4. Washington DC, Library Holy Name College, cod. 355. Zara, Biblioteca Paravia, cod. 1552, ff. 3v-13v6. Private collection of Giovanni PansaSince I have not yet been able to see the last two manuscripts , some questions remain concerning their actual contents. When we consider the Zara manuscript, for example, we notice that Chiappini claims it to contain on folios 3v-13v the Expositione della Clementina de Clemente V, sopra la regula de li frati minori, traslata ad litteram de latino in vulgare per lo venerabile frate Iohanni de Capestrano . Based on the similarity of subject matter and the use of the vernacular language, Bonmann inferred that this text included Capistrano's dichiarazione. The circumstances surrounding the manuscript in Giovanni Pansa's private collection present us with a real detective story. This Italian bibliofile described the manuscript for the first time in 1887, when it resided in a library in Sulmona. Pansa subsequently bought the manuscript and sold it in Rome before 1925 to the antiquarian bookstore of Ermanno Loescher & Company. Since then, the manuscript has disappeared without leaving any trace. All details concerning this story can be found in the work of Chiappini, who wrote that the manuscript contains the Postilla in clementina "Exivi" super Regulam fratrum minorum per sanctum Ioannem de Capestrano. This might be the same Postilla as that found in MS. 20 of the Capestrano library. Based on all this, I believe that Bonmann misunderstood Chiappini's reference.Thus far I have found one manuscript not mentioned by Chiappini or Bonmann, namely MS Roma, Biblioteca S. Isidoro, 1/87, ff. 66ss. Hence there are now either ten or perhaps only eight manuscripts available for the creation of a critical edition . One of these, as I have indicated above, is manuscript Holy Name College, cod. 35, currently kept in the Friedsam Memorial Library of St. Bonaventure University. As I had the opportunity to study this manuscript, I can provide a more precise description of its codicological properties and contents. (shrink)

Nel corso della sua lunga attività di insegnamento presso le Università di Padova e di Bologna, Pietro Pomponazzi si confrontò ripetutamente con il De anima di Aristotele e con il relativo commento di Averroè. Il suo primo corso svolto in qualità di professore ordinario a Padova risale al 1499, il frutto più maturo delle sue riflessioni è sicuramente il celebre Tractatus de immortalitate animae, pubblicato a Bologna nel 1516, che lo proiettò al centro di polemiche, discussioni e condanne. Gli studenti (...) del Pomponazzi ci hanno tramandato gli appunti di numerosi suoi commenti al Corpus aristotelicum. Fra questi, di particolare interesse è l'esposizione sul primo libro del De anima, che il professore svolse a Padova sul cadere dell'anno 1503, e che fu riportata e messa in bella copia da un nobile veneziano, Antonio Surian, che frequentava le sue lezioni. Il volume presenta l'Expositio super I De anima secondo l'unico manoscritto che ci è pervenuto, conservato nella Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli (VIII D 81), e reca un fondamentale contributo alla ricostruzione della formazione e dello sviluppo della dottrina psicologica pomponazziana. (shrink)

One of the most primary, as well as intriguing, questions in the field of St. Bonaventure studies is the authorship of several disputed questions. After the publication of the monumental Quaracchi edition some scholars incorporated into the Corpus Bonaventurianum questions De superfluo, De caritate, De novissimis, and De theologia. The ascription of the above questions to Bonaventure met with a severe criticism which disproved his authorship of all of them. Of the spurious questions a series conserved in the Florentine manuscript (...) (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr. D.IV.27) has remained until now unedited and its authenticity unsettled. This volume presents a critical edition of all the Florentine questions -- De productione rerum, De imagine, De anima. It aims to throw some light, on the one hand, on the problem of their authenticity. It formulates arguments for Bonaventure's authorship which are based mostly on the doctrinal affinity of the questions with non-spurious Bonaventure's works. On the other hand, it discloses the merely hypothetical character of these arguments."--Back cover. (shrink)

Nell'agosto del 1462 papa Pio II investiva il cardinale Bessarione di Nicea della commenda del monastero di Grottaferrata, che succedeva al calabrese Pietro Vitali, ultimo degli egumeni de regimine, eletto a capo dell'Archimandritato di Messina. Uno dei primi atti di governo di Bessarione fu di incaricare l'arcivescovo di Siponto Niccolò Perotti, quale suo procuratore, di procedere ad una dettagliata ricognizione dei beni mobili e immobili del monastero criptense. I relativi inventari ci sono pervenuti nei mss. Grottaferrata Z. δ. XII (ff. (...) 1-63) per i beni immobili, e Grottaferrata, Archivio del Monumento Nazionale, 523 (ff. 105-116) per i beni mobili. Nei ff. 108v-110 di quest'ultimo documento, la cui redazione era stata affidata dal Perotti al notaio Stefano Tegliati (o Tegliazio), si trova il primo sommario elenco conosciuto dei libri manoscritti della biblioteca, pubblicato da Pierre Batiffol e poi da Antonio Rocchi. Vi risultano 114 manoscritti greci, 2 latini e «circa viginti volumina librorum sine principio et mala ordinata». (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Jahrbuch für Wissenschaft und Ethik Jahrgang: 20 Heft: 1 Seiten: 385-412.

This article will address Edith Stein's interests in relation to the microcosm of man, whether as a material, living, animated or spiritual body, as well as in his social, historical, community and cultural position. For Edith Stein, only through this set of interrelated and exclusive instances, each with its own particularities and yet dependent on the others. The phenomenological study of the SELF presented by the author, in the search for the Divine, for awareness of “character”, in the experience of (...) each part of one's own being, in experience, in empathy, where through philosophical anthropology Edith Stein conceives everyone as living beings, with man as a microcosm. For this reason, in the first part it will be discussed regarding The Centrality of the Body in Stein's Philosophical Anthropology. It has become a necessity within anthropology to refer to the body/empathy element. These two realities are established as essential in Stein's considerations and they are what will determine the scope of what refers to the empathic process and the Constitution of the self, elements so necessary for the recovery of the affirming reality of the human in its specification’s man/woman. In the second stage will address about the Soul and Spirit in Stein's Philosophical Anthropology. The living body is established in the fact that in addition to possessing external sensory characteristics, which can be grasped by consciousnesses, they themselves are holders of the ability to feel. Stein postulates as the first characteristic of the experienced body The Binding of the latter to an individual consciousness, to a subject. In his doctoral work, Stein turns to the characterization of an individual who has an essence that is established not only in the corporeal-psychic dimension, but also in that of spiritual appreciation. Finally, and will be closed with conclusions. (shrink)

Este artigo investigou os discursos sobre masculinidades proferidos por homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais na plataforma _youtube_. Para tanto, realizou uma busca, a partir das palavras-chave “ser homem” e “masculinidade”, dos vídeos mais visualizados, sendo os achados organizados em quatro categorias: orientação religiosa, afirmação da masculinidade tradicional com base no darwinismo social, desconstrução da masculinidade tradicional e crítica cultural. Os dados apontam maior público em vídeos voltados ao padrão tradicional de masculinidade e uma relação entre tal conteúdo e instituições religiosas ou (...) de mercantilização de modelos de comportamento. Já vídeos sobre novos modelos de masculinidade aparecem mais ligados a produtos culturais. Todos os vídeos foram produzidos pela sociedade civil e alguns vídeos sobre masculinidade tradicional usam distorções relevantes de conhecimentos científicos. Conclui-se pelo impacto social dos discursos sobre masculinidade no contexto digital, sendo esse um campo de pesquisa relevante, bem como pela necessidade de se abordar relações de gênero em políticas públicas de campos como saúde, educação e justiça. (shrink)

The history of East Timor has gone through several moments of transformation due to human actions that have the presence of Portuguese, Japanese, Indonesians and different social groups and local kingdoms. With this, one can note the trend of the evolution of thinking, arising from education in philosophy and its contribution to the changes that were seen as necessary, were initial instruments for Timor to become a republic, not explored, but as an autonomous people. Thus, the aim of this article (...) is to present a reflection on the role of philosophy in the history of the Timorese society. Thus, philosophy should not be understood only with a mere sense of individualistic self-construction, or even an incorporation of circumstantial urgencies, but rather with regard to a content that must be taught and learned, given that there are languages and methods and that, with due importance, understanding is built, also developing more doubts and, thus, the philosophical character of national thought. However, it is necessary to recognize the assumption that philosophical themes were established according to universal terms, with Universal approaches and incorporated with the urgencies of each place. Thus, even the themes with a challenging nature, there was still Timorese philosophical expression of clear importance for the development of a national idea, so that philosophy is present and is still discussed in all periods that make up the National History. In that regard, this article will offer in the first part an introduction, second philosophy, third history, fourth nation building, fifth the history of struggle for national liberation and will be end with final consideration. (shrink)

Cet article aborde les contributions de Heidegger à la notion de pratique clinique élargie en santé. À cette fin, il passe en revue le processus historique de considération des conditions de santé, aborde le concept de clinique élargie et sauve deux dimensions conceptuelles de l'œuvre de Heidegger: la discussion de la question de la technique et le concept d'être-au-monde. Sur la question de la technique, il examine comment la restriction de la technologie moderne aux possibilités globales des entités peut également (...) restreindre la compréhension des phénomènes de santé et de maladie. Concernant la notion d'être-au-monde, il discute de ses apports à la compréhension des exigences de santé à partir des multiples dimensions de l'existence. (shrink)

Written in the 12th century in Arabic by a faithful Jewish man, "The Guide" is a work that explores the contradiction a very intelligent mind clearly saw between the tradition he was raised to believe inherently and the growing philosophy of Arabian and Western culture. In Maimonides' time, there was an emerging disparity between the Law and a new level of philosophical sophistication, which he attempts to bridge in this work, primarily through the use of metaphor, though also acknowledging this (...) method's limitations. "The Guide" follows the form of a three-volume letter to a student, which was quickly translated to Hebrew and spread throughout the known world and carefully read by Jews and non-Jewish philosophers alike well through the Middle Ages. This work was so successful in its organization and arguments that it has long been a classic of the Jewish religion and of the secular world of philosophy. (shrink)